Any political movement that threatens the liberties and lives of disbelievers is a legitimate object of fear. Acknowledging a fear is neither cowardice nor prejudice. That depends on how one responds.
Islamism, the intensely political interpretation of Islam, is emphatically not the whole of a fourteen-hundred-year-old religion with more than one and half billion adherents. The works of Avicenna and Averroes alone are enough to demonstrate this. As a political philosophy, however, its tenets are more widely shared than some pundits admit. Denying this reality is no act of enlightened tolerance.
Islamism is a system of belief, not a race. No system of belief deserves immunity from criticism, which all religious authoritarians demand. Islamists do so by conflating objections to their ideology with racial prejudice against individuals. They resort to double speak. When they say “Islamophobia,” they mean heresy.
There was nothing senseless about the mass execution by Islamic terrorists of twelve people in Paris. The logic behind the Charlie Hebdo massacre was traced in a sympathetic op-ed by Islamist Anjem Choudary. A real Muslim, according to Choudary, does “not believe in the concept of freedom of expression.” They consider “the honor of the Prophet Muhammad to be dearer to them than that of their parents or even themselves.”
To defend it is considered to be an obligation upon them. The strict punishment if found guilty of this crime under sharia (Islamic law) is capital punishment implementable by an Islamic State. This is because the Messenger Muhammad said, “Whoever insults a Prophet kill him.”
However, because the honor of the Prophet is something which all Muslims want to defend, many will take the law into their own hands, as we often see.
The satirists, in Choudary’s view, had only themselves to blame. After all, “the potential consequences of insulting the Messenger Muhammad are known to Muslims and non-Muslims alike.” This line of argument should be familiar to anyone who has confronted an apologist for rape. As Lachlan Markay said, it “is the theological equivalent of ‘she shouldn’t have worn such a short skirt.'”
Fashionable cant aside, terrorism can work. As John Schindler said, if mujahideen “keep killing journos, as they did in Algeria, they will get their way.” Capitulation to their demands is easily recoded as “respect for religion,” and capitulation is a live issue.
Far too many progressives defend the right to blasphemy in abstract theory but condemn its actual practice. They wince at the Islamist demands, but they call for the same results. The right to blaspheme religion, as Jonathan Chait said, “is one of the most elemental exercises of political liberalism. One cannot defend the right without defending the practice.” Without the freedom to offend, there can be no freedom of expression.
Liberal abdication is something with which Salman Rushdie has had some experience. Eight years ago, Rushdie gave a candid speech on the moral and intellectual failures of the contemporary left. The speech remains timely, and it can heard (beginning at the 20:55 mark) here.